Sanyukta Mathur

The International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), in partnership with organizations in Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Zambia, led a study of HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination in these three countries. This project, conducted from April 2001 to September 2003, unraveled the complexities around stigma by investigating the causes, manifestations and consequences of HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination in sub-Saharan Africa. It then uses this analysis to suggest program interventions. Structured text analysis of 730 qualitative transcripts (650 interviews and 80 focus group discussions) and quantitative analysis of 400 survey respondents from rural and urban areas in these countries revealed the following main insights about the causes, context, experience and consequences of stigma: The main causes of stigma relate to incomplete knowledge, fears of death and disease, sexual norms and a lack of recognition of stigma. Insufficient and inaccurate knowledge combines with fears of death and disease to perpetuate beliefs in casual transmission and, thereby, avoidance of those with HIV. The knowledge that HIV can be transmitted sexually combines with an association of HIV with socially “improper” sex, such that people with HIV are stigmatized for their perceived immoral behavior. Finally, people often do not recognize that their words or actions are stigmatizing. Socio-economic status, age and gender all influence the experience of stigma. The poor are blamed less for their infection than the rich, yet they face greater stigma because they have fewer resources to hide an HIV-positive status. Youth are blamed in all three countries for spreading HIV through what is perceived as their highly risky sexual behavior. While both men and women are stigmatized for breaking sexual norms, gender-based power results in women being blamed more easily. At the same time, the consequences of HIV infection, disclosure, stigma and the burden of care are higher for women than for men. People living with HIV and AIDS face physical and social isolation from family, friends, and community; gossip, name-calling and voyeurism; and a loss of rights, decision-making power and access to resources and livelihoods. People with HIV internalize these experiences and consequently feel guilty, ashamed and inferior. They may, as a result, isolate themselves and lose hope. Those associated with people with HIV and AIDS, especially family members, friends and caregivers, face many of these same experiences in the form of secondary stigma. People living with HIV and AIDS and their families develop various strategies to cope with stigma. Decisions around disclosure depend on whether or not disclosing would help to cope (through care) or make the situation worse (through added stigma). Some cope by participating in networks of people with HIV and actively working in the field of HIV or by confronting stigma in their communities. Others look for alternative explanations for HIV besides sexual transmission and seek comfort, often turning to religion to do so. Stigma impedes various programmatic efforts. Testing, disclosure, prevention and care and support for people with HIV are advocated, but are impeded by stigma. Testing and disclosure are recognized as difficult because of stigma, and prevention is hampered because preventive methods such as condom use or discussing safe sex are considered indications of HIV infection or immoral behaviors and are thus stigmatized. Available care and support are accompanied by judgmental attitudes and isolating behavior, which can result in people with HIV delaying care until absolutely necessary. There are also many positive aspects of the way people deal with HIV and stigma. People express good intentions to not stigmatize those with HIV. Many recognize that their limited knowledge has a role in perpetuating stigma and are keen to learn more. Families, religious organizations and communities provide care, empathy and support for people with HIV and AIDS. Finally, people with HIV themselves overcome the stigma they face to challenge stigmatizing social norms. Our study points to five critical elements that programs aiming to tackle stigma need to address: Create greater recognition of stigma and discrimination. Foster in-depth, applied knowledge about all aspects of HIV and AIDS through a participatory and interactive process. Provide safe spaces to discuss the values and beliefs about sex, morality and death that underlie stigma. Find common language to talk about stigma. Ensure a central, contextually-appropriate and ethically-responsible role for people with HIV and AIDS While all individuals and groups have a role in reducing stigma, policymakers and programmers can start with certain key groups that our study suggests are a priority: Families caring for people living with HIV and AIDS: programs can help families both to cope with the burden of care and also to recognize and modify their own stigmatizing behavior. NGOs and other community-based organizations: NGOs can train their own staff to recognize and deal with stigma, incorporate ways to reduce stigma in all activities, and critically examine their communication methods and materials. Religious and faith-based organizations: these can be supportive of people living with HIV and AIDS in their role as religious leaders and can incorporate ways to reduce stigma in their community service activities

Millions of young girls in the developing world are married when they are still children and as a result are denied the ordinary experiences that young people elsewhere take for granted: schooling good health economic opportunities and friendship with peers. Despite national laws and international agreements forbidding early marriage gender roles and marriage systems in many countries dictate the practice through which girls are deprived of basic rights and subjected to discrimination and health risks. Instead of being viewed as children or teenagers with potential and opportunities in their lives girls are often defined by social custom solely wives and mothers. This limited view exposes girls to responsibilities and risks that they are often not physically or mentally prepared to undertake while at the same time disrupting their prospects for education and employment. In addition to having a negative impact on girls themselves the practice of early marriage also has negative consequences for children families and society as a whole. (excerpt)

BACKGROUND: Low contraceptive uptake and high unmet need for contraception remain significant issues in Uganda compared to neighboring countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Rwanda. Although prior research on contraceptive uptake has indicated that male partners strongly influence women's decisions around contraceptive use, there is limited in-depth qualitative research on knowledge and concerns regarding modern contraceptive methods among Ugandan men. METHODS: Using in-depth interviews (N = 41), this qualitative study investigated major sources of knowledge about contraception and perceptions of contraceptive side effects among married Ugandan men. RESULTS: Men primarily reported knowledge of contraceptives based on partner's experience of side effects, partner's knowledge from health providers and mass media campaigns, and partner's knowledge from her peers. Men were less likely to report contraceptive knowledge from health care providers, mass media campaigns, or peers. Men's concerns about various contraceptive methods were broadly associated with failure of the method to work properly, adverse health effects on women, and severe adverse health effects on children. Own or partner's human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) status did not impact on contraceptive knowledge. CONCLUSIONS: Overall, we found limited accurate knowledge about contraceptive methods among men in Uganda. Moreover, fears about the side effects of modern contraceptive methods appeared to be common among men. Family planning services in Uganda could be significantly strengthened by renewed efforts to focus on men's knowledge, fears, and misconceptions.

BACKGROUND: Prevalence of HIV infection is considerable among youth, although data on risk factors for new (incident) infections are limited. We examined incidence of HIV infection and risk and protective factors among youth in rural Uganda, including the role of gender and social transitions. METHODS: Participants were sexually experienced youth (15-24 years old) enrolled in the Rakai Community Cohort Study, 1999-2008 (n = 6741). Poisson regression with robust standard errors was used to estimate incident rate ratios (IRR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) of incident HIV infection. RESULTS: HIV incidence was greater among young women than young men (14.1 vs. 8.3 per 1000 person-years, respectively); this gender disparity was greater among teenagers (14.9 vs. 3.6). Beyond behavioral (multiple partners and concurrency) and biological factors (sexually transmitted infection symptoms), social transitions such as marriage and staying in school influenced HIV risk. In multivariate analyses among women, HIV incidence was associated with living in a trading village (adjusted IRR (aIRR) = 1.48; 95% CI: 1.04 to 2.11), being a student (aIRR = 0.22; 95% CI: 0.07 to 0.72), current marriage (aIRR = 0.55; 95% CI: 0.37 to 0.81), former marriage (aIRR = 1.73; 95% CI: 1.01 to 2.96), having multiple partners, and sexually transmitted infection symptoms. Among men, new infections were associated with former marriage (aIRR = 5.57; 95% CI: 2.51 to 12.36), genital ulceration (aIRR = 3.56; 95% CI: 1.97 to 6.41), and alcohol use (aIRR = 2.08; 95% CI: 1.15 to 3.77). CONCLUSIONS: During the third decade of the HIV epidemic in Uganda, HIV incidence remains considerable among youth, with young women particularly at risk. The risk for new infections was strongly shaped by social transitions such as leaving school, entrance into marriage, and marital dissolution; the impact of marriage was different for young men than women.

BACKGROUND: Oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) has the potential to reduce HIV acquisition among adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) in sub-Saharan Africa. However, health care providers' (HCPs) perspectives and interactions with potential clients can substantially influence effective provision of quality health services. We examine if HCPs' knowledge, attitude, and skills, as well as their perceptions of facility readiness to provide PrEP are associated with their willingness to provide PrEP to AGYW at high risk of HIV in Tanzania. METHODS: A self-administered questionnaire was given to 316 HCPs from 74 clinics in two districts and 24 HCPs participated in follow-up in-depth interviews (IDIs). We conducted bivariate and multivariable Poisson regression to assess factors associated with willingness to provide PrEP to AGYW. Thematic content analysis was used to analyze the IDIs, which expanded upon the quantitative results. RESULTS: Few HCPs (3.5%) had prior PrEP knowledge, but once informed, 61.1% were willing to prescribe PrEP to AGYW. Higher negative attitudes toward adolescent sexuality and greater concerns about behavioral disinhibition due to PrEP use were associated with lower willingness to prescribe PrEP. Qualitatively, HCPs acknowledged that biases, rooted in cultural norms, often result in stigmatizing and discriminatory care toward AGYW, a potential barrier for PrEP provision. However, better training to provide HIV services was associated with greater willingness to prescribe PrEP. Conversely, HCPs feared the potential negative impact of PrEP on the provision of existing HIV services (e.g., overburdened staff), and suggested the integration of PrEP into non-HIV services and the use of paramedical professionals to facilitate PrEP provision. CONCLUSIONS: Preparing for PrEP introduction requires more than solely training HCPs on the clinical aspects of providing PrEP. It requires a two-pronged strategy: addressing HCPs' biases regarding sexual health services to AGYW; and preparing the health system infrastructure for the introduction of PrEP.